By R. Sasankan
There is a popular truism that says economic growth is impossible
without a concomitant increase in energy consumption. India is now rated
as the fastest growing economy in the world and the top international
energy institutions such as the International Energy Agency (IEA), OPEC
and BP have tagged India as the demand driver for crude oil all the way
up to 2040. The industrialised west is moving rapidly towards electric
vehicles and India has a target to achieve it in phases. India is also
striving to attain a 15 per cent share for natural gas in its energy
mix.
The IEA estimates that oil demand in India will increase more than four
times by 2040. The BP report estimates India’s crude oil demand to reach
485 million tons oil equivalent (mtoe) by 2040 from 212 mtoe in 2016.
The OPEC report estimates India’s oil demand to reach 9.9 thousand
barrels of oil equivalent per day (mboed) in 2040 from 3.9 mboed in
2015. These top energy pundits are, thus, unanimous about India’s future
oil demand. At present, imported crudes account for 83 per cent of the
total crudes processed in Indian refineries.
It is natural for politicians – worried as they are about the growing
unemployment in the country – to leap at the idea of setting up refining
capacity at home to meet the projected demand growth. India’s total
refining capacity today is 252 million tons per annum and it is ranked
as Asia’s largest exporter of petroleum products. The Chennai-based,
CPCL has already decided to set up a new 10 million ton refinery. Kochi
Refinery of BPCL has just completed its expansion and Numaligarh
refinery’s capacity expansion has already been approved. The idea of a
mega refinery in Maharashtra was also inspired by the demand projections
made by these international energy organisations.
But the question remains: does it make economic sense for a crude oil
importer to be a petroleum product exporter? What advantage does an
Indian oil refiner have to enable it to compete with, say, a refiner in
the US, Russia or the Middle East and sell petroleum products
competitively in the global markets? This may sound like heresy but it
isn’t. Even within the government there are some genuine energy pundits
who opposed the idea of creating fresh refining capacity for export as
it tantamount to subsidising the overseas consumers.
The resistance within the Indian government to the idea of creating
refining capacity designed to export petroleum products like petrol and
diesel dates back to 2003. The main reason is that India, as a net
importer of crude oil, has no marginal advantage in the export of
petroleum products for the automotive sector. Refining margins are
rarely that lucrative to compensate for double handling costs associated
with the import of crude and the export of petro products. Moreover,
the Indian port infrastructure, which is not the most efficient in the
world, inflates handling costs.
Refineries are capital intensive projects and the cost of capital is
high in India. India has no technology advantage either since it
acquires technology and even outsources engineering and design services
to external consultants. The principle of eminent domain – whereby the
government acquires land for a public good – does not work well because
the country does not have adequate land in desired locations to house
large industrial projects, given the fact that it usually involves
large-scale displacement of people.
Indian manpower costs also do not offer a great advantage: a typical
refinery in India employs two and a half times the number of people
compared with a refinery of the same size overseas. In any event,
manpower costs are no more than 2-3% of the total cost of refined
products. So, the obvious question to ask is: how are Indian refiners
able to compete in the market for petro products when they have no
apparent advantage in refining crude?
And here is the paradox: how is it that India’s single largest export is
petroleum products? The answer is obvious. Indian oil refineries are
given huge subsidies by way of land, tax holidays for direct and
indirect taxes, lax environmental enforcement, export incentives and,
above all, a monopolistic domestic market devoid of any competition that
is willing to absorb the cost burden that exports involve.
The issue, say energy experts, is further complicated by developing
combined refinery and petrochemical facilities. Petrochemical plants can
be built without creating surplus capacity for petroleum products.
Petrochemical capacity can also be created through far more competitive
import of the intermediate products that the oil refinery feeds to the
petrochemical complex. Instead, because of a non-competitive and
protected petrochemical industry in the country, India uses the
petrochemical complexes to subsidize the export of petroleum products.
The Indian consumer ultimately pays for this as well.
One question remains: how did RIL achieve success in refining by
operating the world’s largest refinery complex at a single location? RIL
managed this process brilliantly. It got land practically free and the
state government was happy to provide the required support
infrastructure. The duty on imports was waived in the same week that its
plant received its clearances. It received a 20-year tax holiday from
the state government, a benefit that was transferable in those days.
Initially, RIL was selling product to IOC at import parity prices (that
included freight and custom duty elements) while also enjoying deemed
export benefits for many years.
The upshot of all this is that the Indian tax payer and the Indian
consumer of petroleum products have been subsidizing the export of
petroleum products. That begs the question: why do we need to create
refining capacity that exceeds India’s own needs?
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