Pakistan
is fast emerging as the cat’s paw in the modern version of The Great
Game that is being played out in Central Asia in a bruising battle for
influence and control over oil and gas markets.
The story really began with the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1992
that saw Caucasian and Central Asian republics – Georgia, Armenia,
Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, and
Tajikistan – break free from Kremlin’s hegemony and start to open
borders with neighbours like Iran to the South, and to China in the
East.
The new Central Asian republics, which were mostly run by despotic
former KGB generals, emerged as the new crucible for oil and gas
supplies that started to threaten the sheikdoms of the Gulf. The
politics of Central Asia and the all-consuming internal strife that
these leaders faced in their battle to stay in control of their
countries in one sense put paid to any ideas of opening the sluice gates
to fresh energy supplies for oil and gas guzzling nations like China
and India.
Over time, Russia has reasserted its dominance in parts of the central
Asian region while China has started to build its own bridges with
countries like Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan. China has
already built a 3,666 kilometre pipeline to the natural gas reserves in
these three countries, taking advantage of a pricing dispute between
Turkmenistan and Russian energy giant Gazprom. A fourth pipeline that
will connect China to Turkmenistan via Uzbekistan, Tajikistan and
Kyrgyzstan has, however, run in to some trouble lately.
Clearly,
a new axis of powers has begun to emerge in the volatile region of
Central Asia with Russia and China dominating the Great Game and the US –
which has huge interests in the region – keeping close tabs on the
developments. In my previous column titled Putin’s Great Game: A Gas
Pipeline To India, which appeared on January 10, 2018, I tried to
capture some of the moves on the chessboard and its implications for
India. The game, of course, is much bigger and it would be wise to
recall Lord Curzon’s comment in 1889. The then Viceroy of India had
said: “Turkestan, Afghanistan, Transcapsia, Persia – to many these names
breathe only a sense of utter remoteness or a memory of strange
vicissitudes and of moribund romance. To me, I confess, they are the
pieces of a chessboard upon which is being played out a game for the
dominion of the world.”
A number of eminent people, including energy experts and diplomats,
responded to the views expressed in my article, adding fresh insight
into a swirling miasma of geopolitics. They too see an axis emerging.
The former US President George W. Bush, in his State of the Union
address on January 29, 2002, talked about the “axis of evil” to describe
the governments that he accused of sponsoring terrorism and seeking
weapons of mass destruction. Iran, Iraq and North Korea constituted
Bush’s Axis of Evil. Bush drew the US and its allies into an unnecessary
war in the volatile region and the world is now paying the price for
his miscalculation.
I, however, am using the term “axis” in a more qualified sense shorn of
any pejoratives and prejudices, to mean an economic alliance
necessitated by the compulsions to market natural gas, which is a sort
of lifeline for Russia and Iran. And this is where Pakistan emerges as
the cat’s paw in this Great Game. Pakistan is neither a gas producer nor
a potential market of any consequence for natural gas in such an
alliance. But it is an important conduit that can make or mar Putin’s
ultimate strategy of selling gas in the Indian market.
Putin’s
strategy obviously is to use Pakistan as route to reach the Indian
market. So far, India’s opposition to the pipeline, originally proposed
by Iran, was that a pipeline traversing the terrorist –infested Pakistan
posed serious security problems. India cited this as the reason mainly
to satisfy the United States which was opposed to Iran-Pakistan-India
(IPI) pipeline. Putin may be confident of dealing with the danger posed
by terrorists but things have gone far beyond the terrorist threat, real
or imaginary. The real danger being posed by Pakistan -- as perceived
by India -- is not terrorism but the speed at which it is being sucked
into the Chinese designs to spread its sphere of influence over the
world through Xi Jinping’s One Belt, One Road initiative.
It is possible that Putin may not have foreseen such a development when
he decided to lay a pipeline to Pakistan from Iran to export Russia’s
share of gas in Iran. There is no evidence as such that a tripartite
discussion among Russia, India and Pakistan took place before Putin
decided on such a gas pipeline to Pakistan. His strategy to reach
Pakistan initially and enter the Indian market at a later stage made
immense business sense. India would not have been averse to such a
strategy as it would be ultimately beneficial to this country.
According
to well-informed sources familiar with the subject, the gas alliance or
axis can extend to China with the involvement of Pakistan. Not that
this pipeline to Pakistan and India will be extended to reach any part
of China. China already has a direct deal with Russia for gas supply
through a pipeline as well as the pipelines from Central Asian
republics. The next biggest market available is India which is important
in Putin’s scheme of things to counter the threat from West Europe to
stop Russian gas.
India, which shied away from Iran-Pakistan-India (IPI) pipeline, was
very much in favour of the proposed
Turkmenistan-Afghanistan-Pakistan-India (TAPI) pipeline. In the changed
scenario, TAPI cannot succeed either. “I am not convinced that TAPI will
materialize until the Pakistan moves out of the Chinese orbit,” said an
energy expert.
Putin does not seem to be aware of the growing perception in the
corridors of power in Delhi that China will use Pakistan against India.
And it will bargain with India on China's ultimate objective of
displacing US as the only super power left. Energy will play a key role
in the determining the dynamics of this geopolitical game.
India will be a loser if Putin’s gas strategy does not succeed. Will
Russia opt to liquefy Russian-owned Iranian gas in Chabahar? The
alternative could be an offshore pipeline to be jointly promoted by
Russia and Iran. India has the option of negotiating a special
relationship with Iran but that can meet with strong resistance from the
US administration. President Donald Trump looks fiercely anti-Iran and
seemingly more pro-Indian than originally perceived. The US wants to
keep China in check and as the price for that it should not stand in the
way of India negotiating a special relationship with Iran. Putin is
respected in India and his immediate priority is finding a market for
gas. The Great Game is on.